Auxéméry Y
Service de psychiatrie et de psychologie clinique, hôpital d'instruction des armées Legouest, 27, avenue de Plantières, BP 90001, 57077 Metz cedex 3, France; Centre de recherche psychanalyse, médecine et société, université Paris VII, EAD n(o) 3522, 26, rue de Paradis, 75000 Paris, France; École du Val-de-Grâce, 1, place Alphonse-Laveran, 75005 Paris, France.
Encephale. 2013 Oct;39(5):332-8. doi: 10.1016/j.encep.2012.11.003. Epub 2013 Jan 23.
After Operation Desert Storm which took place in Iraq from August 1990 to July 1991 involving a coalition of 35 countries and a 700,000 strong contingent of mainly American men, some associations of war veterans, the media and researchers described a new diagnostic entity: the Gulf War Syndrome (GWS).
GWS seems to be a new disorder which associates a litany of functional symptoms integrating the musculoskeletal, digestive, tegumentary and neurosensory systems. The symptoms presented do not allow a syndrome already known to be considered and the aetiology of the clinical picture remains unexplained, an increasing cause for concern resulting from the extent of the phenomenon and its media coverage. It quickly appears that there is no consensus amongst the scientific community concerning a nosographic description of GWS: where can all these functional complaints arise from? Different aetiopathogenic hypotheses have been studied by the American administration who is attempting to incriminate exposure to multiple risks such as vaccines and their adjuvants, organophosphorous compounds, pyridostigmine (given to the troops for the preventive treatment of the former), impoverished uranium, and the toxic emanations from oil well fires. But despite extremely in-depth scientific investigations, 10 years after the end of the war, no objective marker of physical suffering has been retained to account for the disorders presented. It would appear that the former soldiers are in even better objective health than the civil population whereas their subjective level of health remains low. Within this symptomatic population, some authors have begun to notice that the psychological disorders appear and persist associating: asthenia, fatigability, mood decline, sleep disorders, cognitive disorders and post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD). Within the nosological framework, does GWS cause functional disorders or somatisation? Finally, 20 years after the end of the fighting, only PTSD has been causally attributed to military deployment.
Certain functional symptoms of GWS occur during the latent phase of a future reexperiencing syndrome, latent phase which is the locus of nonspecific symptoms. The psychotraumatised subject does not express himself spontaneously and waits to be invited to do so: if the social context does not allow this expression, the suffering can remain lodged in a few parts of the body. How can the inexpressible part of the trauma be recounted, particularly if the social context does not allow it? For civil society, calling into question "the somatic word" of veterans is difficult: why were they sent to face these hardships? What could we learn from these soldiers we do not wish to listen to: the horror of the war, the aggressive impulse of men, and the confrontation with death? Another obstacle to this reflection is the reference to stress as a prevalent aetiopathogenic model of the psychological trauma. A model like this, considering that PTSD is a normal reaction to an abnormal situation, finally discredits the subject and society and disempowers them by freezing them in a passive status of victim.
However, as GWS affects approximately a quarter of subjects deployed, it is not very likely that all these symptoms are caused by a psychotraumatic reaction. Many veterans suffering from GWS have themselves rejected the diagnosis of PTSD, arguing that they do not suffer repetition nightmares. What the veterans rightly tell us here is that the notions of stress and trauma cannot strictly be superimposed. A subject may have been intensely stressed without ever establishing traumatic flashbacks and likewise; a psychological trauma can be experienced without stress and without fear but in a moment of terror. This clarification is in line with the first criterion of the DSM-IV-TR which necessarily integrates the objective and subjective dimensions as determinants of PTSD. Yet, scientific studies relating to GWS are struggling to establish opposition or continuity links between the objective external exposure (smoke from petrol wells, impoverished uranium, biological agents, chemicals) and the share of inner emotion albeit reactive and characterised by a subjective stress. There were no lack of stress factors for the troops deployed: repeated alerts of chemical attacks, hostility of the environment with its sandstorms and venomous animals, climatic conditions making long hours of backup and static observation difficult, collecting bodies, lack of knowledge of the precise geography of their movements and uncertainty of the duration of the conflict. The military anti-nuclear-bacteriological-chemical uniform admittedly provided protective confinement, shutting out the hostile world from which the threat would come but, at the same time, this isolation increases the fear of a hypothetical risk whilst the internal perceptions are increased and can open the way to future somatisations. In a context like this, the somatic manifestations of anxiety (palpitations, sweating, paresthesia…) are willingly associated with somatised functional disorders to which can also be assigned over-interpretations of bodily feelings according to a hypochondriacal mechanism. The selective attention to somatic perceptions in the absence of mentalisations, the request for reassurance reiterated and the excessive use of the treatment system will be diagnostic indices of these symptoms caused by the stress. Rather than toxic exposure to such and such a substance, the non-specific syndrome called "Gulf War Syndrome" is the result of exposure to the eponymous operational theatre. But if the psychological and psychosomatic suffering occurring in veterans is immutable throughout history, the expression of these difficulties has specificities according to the past cultural, political and scientific context. In the example of GWS, the diffusion of the fear of a pathology resulting from chemical weapons has promoted this phenomenon. In the end, biochemical and biological weapons have not been used on a large scale but the mediatisation of this possibility has led to a deleterious… To spare the bother of a group psychological reflection, the scientific and political authorities chose to investigate the implication of environmental factors in the genesis of the disorder. At individual as well as social level, rather than accept a psychogenic origin, a common defence mechanism is to assign the suffering to an external cause. With the perspective of preventing the risk of diffusion of other unexplained syndromes, which could occur following future armed conflicts, new epidemiological diagnostic models must be defined. The media also has considerable responsibility for the diffusion of epidemic psychological reactions but at the same time, they can inform the population about certain individual or group psychopathological mechanisms.
The GWS exists: it is not an "imaginary illness" but a serious public health issue which has led to tens of thousands of complaints and swallowed up millions of dollars. To reply to human suffering, a new nosographic entity can spread through society taking the epidemic expression of a somatised disorder via identification, imitation and suggestion mechanisms. This possibility questions not only mental health but also the sociology and politics. It is necessary to inform the leaders and the general population of the possibility of this type of mass reaction, which can take the shape of a highly contagious complex functional syndrome.
1990年8月至1991年7月在伊拉克发生的沙漠风暴行动,有35个国家组成联盟,约70万主要为美国士兵的队伍参与其中。战后,一些退伍军人协会、媒体和研究人员描述了一种新的诊断实体:海湾战争综合征(GWS)。
GWS似乎是一种新的病症,伴有一系列涉及肌肉骨骼、消化、皮肤和神经感觉系统的功能性症状。所呈现的症状无法用已知的综合征来解释,临床表现的病因仍然不明,鉴于该现象的规模及其媒体报道,这一情况愈发令人担忧。很快就发现,科学界对于GWS的疾病分类描述并未达成共识:所有这些功能性主诉源自何处?美国政府研究了不同的病因假设,试图将病因归咎于接触多种风险因素,如疫苗及其佐剂、有机磷化合物、吡啶斯的明(部队用于预防性治疗的药物)、贫铀以及油井大火产生的有毒气体。但尽管进行了极其深入的科学调查,在战争结束10年后,仍未找到身体痛苦的客观标志物来解释所出现的病症。看起来,退伍军人的客观健康状况甚至比平民更好,然而他们的主观健康水平却依然很低。在这群有症状的人群中,一些作者开始注意到心理障碍出现并持续存在,伴有:乏力、易疲劳、情绪低落、睡眠障碍、认知障碍和创伤后应激障碍(PTSD)。在疾病分类框架内,GWS是导致功能性障碍还是躯体化?最终,在战斗结束20年后,只有PTSD被因果归因于军事部署。
GWS的某些功能性症状出现在未来再次体验综合征的潜伏期,潜伏期是非特异性症状的发生部位。遭受心理创伤的个体不会自发表达,而是等待被邀请表达:如果社会环境不允许这种表达,痛苦可能会滞留在身体的某些部位。如何讲述创伤中无法表达的部分,尤其是在社会环境不允许的情况下?对于民间社会而言,质疑退伍军人的“躯体话语”很困难:为什么要派他们去面对这些艰难困苦?我们能从这些我们不愿倾听的士兵身上学到什么:战争的恐怖、人类的攻击冲动以及与死亡的对峙?这种反思的另一个障碍是将压力作为心理创伤普遍的病因模型。这样的模型认为PTSD是对异常情况的正常反应,最终会诋毁个体和社会,并通过使他们处于被动受害者状态而削弱他们的力量。
然而,由于GWS影响了约四分之一的参战人员,所有这些症状不太可能都是由心理创伤反应引起的。许多患有GWS的退伍军人自己拒绝PTSD的诊断,称他们没有反复出现噩梦。退伍军人在此正确地告诉我们的是,压力和创伤的概念不能严格重叠。一个人可能承受了巨大压力,但从未出现创伤性闪回,同样地;心理创伤可能在没有压力和恐惧的情况下经历,但在恐惧的瞬间发生。这种澄清符合《精神疾病诊断与统计手册》第四版修订版(DSM-IV-TR)的首要标准,该标准必然将客观和主观维度整合为PTSD的决定因素。然而,与GWS相关的科学研究难以在客观外部暴露(油井烟雾、贫铀、生物制剂、化学物质)与内在情感(尽管是反应性的且以主观压力为特征)之间建立对立或连续的联系。部署的部队不乏压力因素:化学攻击的反复警报、充满沙尘暴和有毒动物的恶劣环境、使长时间后备和静态观察变得困难的气候条件、收集尸体、对其行动精确地理情况的不了解以及冲突持续时间的不确定性。军事防核生化制服诚然提供了防护隔离,将威胁可能来自的敌对世界拒之门外,但与此同时,这种隔离增加了对假设风险恐惧,而内在感知增强,可能为未来的躯体化打开大门。在这样的背景下,焦虑的躯体表现(心悸、出汗、感觉异常……)很容易与躯体化功能性障碍相关联,根据疑病症机制,对身体感觉的过度解读也可归因于此。在缺乏心理化的情况下对躯体感知的选择性关注、反复寻求安慰以及过度使用治疗系统将是这些由压力引起症状的诊断指标。被称为“海湾战争综合征”的非特异性综合征不是由于接触某种特定物质,而是接触同名作战区域的结果。但是,如果退伍军人中出现的心理和身心痛苦在历史上是不变的,那么这些困难的表现根据过去的文化、政治和科学背景具有特殊性。以GWS为例,对化学武器导致疾病的恐惧传播促进了这一现象。最终,生化和生物武器并未大规模使用,但这种可能性的媒体传播导致了有害……为了避免群体心理反思的麻烦,科学和政治当局选择调查环境因素在该病症发生中的作用。在个人和社会层面,常见的防御机制是将痛苦归因于外部原因,而不是接受心理成因。为了预防未来武装冲突后可能出现的其他无法解释综合征的传播风险,必须定义新的流行病学诊断模型。媒体在传播流行性心理反应方面也有相当大的责任,但同时,它们可以向公众宣传某些个体或群体的心理病理机制。
GWS确实存在:它不是“想象出来的疾病”,而是一个严重的公共卫生问题,已引发了数以万计的投诉并耗费了数百万美元。为了应对人类的痛苦,一种新的疾病分类实体可能会通过识别、模仿和暗示机制以躯体化障碍的流行形式在社会中传播。这种可能性不仅对心理健康提出了质疑,也对社会学和政治学提出了质疑。有必要让领导人和公众了解这种大规模反应的可能性,它可能表现为一种具有高度传染性的复杂功能性综合征。