TransVIHMI (UMI 233 IRD, U 1175 INSERM), Institut de Recherche pour le Développement, Montpellier, France.
Centre Régional de Recherche et de Formation à la prise en charge de Fann, Dakar, Senegal.
Soc Sci Med. 2017 Apr;178:38-45. doi: 10.1016/j.socscimed.2017.02.009. Epub 2017 Feb 7.
During the 2014-2016 West Africa Ebola epidemic, transmission chains were controlled through contact tracing, i.e., identification and follow-up of people exposed to Ebola cases. WHO recommendations for daily check-ups of physical symptoms with social distancing for 21 days were unevenly applied and sometimes interpreted as quarantine. Criticisms arose regarding the use of coercion and questioned contact tracing on ethical grounds. This article aims to analyze contact cases' perceptions and acceptance of contact monitoring at the field level. In Senegal, an imported case of Ebola virus disease in September 2014 resulted in placing 74 contact cases in home containment with daily visits by volunteers. An ethnographic study based on in-depth interviews with all stakeholders performed in September-October 2014 showed four main perceptions of monitoring: a biosecurity preventive measure, suspension of professional activity, stigma attached to Ebola, and a social obligation. Contacts demonstrated diverse attitudes. Initially, most contacts agreed to comply because they feared being infected. They adhered to the national Ebola response measures and appreciated the empathy shown by volunteers. Later, acceptance was improved by the provision of moral, economic, and social support, and by the final lack of any new contamination. But it was limited by the socio-economic impact on fulfilling basic needs, the fear of being infected, how contacts' family members interpreted monitoring, conflation of contacts as Ebola cases, and challenging the rationale for containment. Acceptance was also related to individual aspects, such as the professional status of women and health workers who had been exposed, and contextual aspects, such as the media's role in the social production of stigma. Ethnographic results show that, even when contacts adhere rather than comply to containment through coercion, contact monitoring raises several ethical issues. These insights should contribute to the ethics debate about individual rights versus crisis public health measures.
在 2014-2016 年西非埃博拉疫情期间,通过接触者追踪(即识别和跟踪接触过埃博拉病例的人)来控制传播链。世界卫生组织(WHO)建议对接触者进行为期 21 天的身体症状日常检查和社会隔离,但该建议的执行情况参差不齐,有时被解释为隔离。有人批评使用强制手段,并从伦理角度质疑接触者追踪。本文旨在分析现场一级接触者对接触监测的看法和接受程度。在塞内加尔,2014 年 9 月发生了一起输入性埃博拉病毒病病例,导致 74 名接触者被安置在家中隔离,由志愿者每天上门探访。2014 年 9 月至 10 月进行的一项基于对所有利益攸关方进行深入访谈的民族志研究表明,监测有以下四种主要看法:生物安全预防措施、暂停职业活动、与埃博拉相关的污名、社会义务。接触者表现出不同的态度。最初,大多数接触者同意遵守,因为他们担心自己被感染。他们遵守国家埃博拉应对措施,并赞赏志愿者表现出的同理心。后来,由于提供了道德、经济和社会支持,并且最终没有发生新的感染,接受程度有所提高。但这种接受程度受到满足基本需求的社会经济影响、对感染的恐惧、接触者家人对监测的解释、将接触者视为埃博拉病例以及对隔离原因的质疑等因素的限制。接受程度还与个人方面有关,如妇女和曾接触过埃博拉病毒的卫生工作者的职业地位,以及与语境方面有关,如媒体在社会制造污名方面的作用。民族志研究结果表明,即使接触者是在被迫而非自愿的情况下遵守隔离措施,接触者监测也引发了一些伦理问题。这些见解应有助于关于个人权利与危机公共卫生措施的伦理辩论。